Archive for October, 2008

Reconciliation: Definitions and Interpretations

As the violence of a period of protracted internal conflict or repression subsides and signs of
the authority’s new commitment to peace emerge — often through a peace accord between former
political enemies — the country recognizes its aching need for healing. Healing within itself and
across lines of tension is necessary in order to live side by side in peace, confidence, and mutual
trust and to march forward together as contributing members of a cooperative society. This need
they feel and call for is that of reconciliation. It can be a personally, morally, or politically
motivated desire depending on the position of a person or group to the conflict and peace
process. Given the potentially explosive issues and sensitivities that mine the road to trust,
reconciliation implies immense challenges and lofty, yet necessary, ideals. Even the meaning
and interpretation of this elusive concept — reconciliation — is debated within academic circles of
outsiders and between members of these very societies and government institutions that are
trying to understand the best way to seek it.
2By some interpretations, reconciliation is seen as a goal within itself, an end, a state of
mutual trust and peaceful coexistence. Marc Forget illustrates this interpretation when he
explains, “Reconciliation can be viewed as one pole on a continuum that has hostility as its other
pole.” 1 In the essay, “Truth Commissions, Transitional Justice, and Civil Society,” David A.
Crocker cites at least three meanings of reconciliation, classifying them into “thinner” and
“thicker” interpretations. 2 “Thinner” signifies a more realistic interpretation of reconciliation,
while “thicker” is more idealist. At the base level, a “thinner” reconciliation can mean “simple
coexistence” — the opposing sides agree to follow the law instead of killing each other. 3 This
first definition seems to be a compromise of mutual concessions — the concession of giving up
violence. The two warring ideological and political poles of both El Salvador and Guatemala
first needed to adhere to this mutual renouncement of violence to initiate the peace process.
However, one cannot expect to further the healing and rebuilding process significantly by only
achieving this minimal version of reconciliation. Societies need to aim for more advanced
criteria whenever possible.
Moving a step up from this minimal conception of reconciliation, Crocker sets out a second
interpretation of reconciliation: former enemies must live together nonviolently and respect each
other as fellow citizens, even though they may continue to disagree.
4
Mark Osiel identifies this
level of reconciliation with the term ‘liberal social solidarity.
f/5
In this form of reconciliation, the
different sides are able to engage in peaceful dialogue, sharing and listening to each other’s
views patiently and earnestly. They uncover common concerns and then work collectively
towards a compromise on public policy matters.
According to Crocker, the deepest and most advanced form of reconciliation is an ideal to
which countries with real, collective intentions for building democratic institutions, participatory
3civil society, legitimate governance, and lasting peace aspire. This “thicker” form of
reconciliation can be either a “shared comprehensive vision, mutual healing and restoration, or
mutual forgiveness.” 6 Crocker names these three possibilities for signaling such ideal
reconciliation, as it may appear in different forms depending on the circumstances of the conflict,
actors, and cultures involved. A shared comprehensive vision — consensus on the past and future
— may be possible when complete mutual forgiveness is not. While a shared, comprehensive
vision demonstrates a positive, empowering mindset, its boundaries are ambiguous. With so
many varying actors and opposing interests, it is difficult to know when to declare that society
has reached a point such as “mutual healing and restoration.”
More than a goal, reconciliation is also a process, a means by which society can build trust
and seek to live together peacefully and cooperatively. In his essay, “Changing Forms of
Coexistence,” Louis Kreisberg defines reconciliation as the process of developing a mutual,
conciliatory accommodation between formerly antagonistic groups.
7
Marc Forget speaks of
reconciliation as a process of transformation, “a difficult but tremendously powerful process that
has the ability to transform individuals, communities, and whole societies. “8 In order to achieve
reconciliation after devastating, divisive civil conflict, there needs to be gradual, long-term
healing towards mutual agreement of facts of the past, tolerance for one another across previous
lines of tension, and mutual commitment to pursue justice and prevent escalation of violence in
the future. David Crocker lists many possible measures that aim to deal with the past actively:
trials and punishment, truth commissions, international criminal tribunals, social shaming and
lustration, public apology to victims, memorials, reburial of victims, compensation and
reparations for the families of the victims, historical writing, and amnesty. 9 National
governments, parties to the former conflict, civil society, individual leaders, and the international

Posted by admin on October 6th, 2008 No Comments

Along the road to reconciliation: the challenges facing the truth commissions of El Salvador and Guatemala

By Megan Fletcher

http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1509

Acknowledgements
I would like give special thanks to my professors of Peacebuilding who have inspired
me to investigate these issues and help me believe that I can make a difference. I began
studying El Salvador and Guatemala for the first time with Anita Isaacs two years ago
during the fall of 2001 and have continued to follow her with admiration with an even
more deeply stirring academic and outreach experience this spring: the “Challenges of
Reconciliation in Guatemala” class. Margaret Smith, my professor at the “Peace and
Conflict Resolution” Washington Semester Program at American University (fall 2002),
has also been an inspirational leader, conflict resolver, and teacher.
I would also like to thank all of those with whom I’ve been able to converse and who
have taught me much about conflict resolution and peacebuilding in El Salvador,
Guatemala, the Balkans, Chile, and Argentina.

I. THE THEORETICAL ROLE OF TRUTH COMMISSIONS
IN ACHIEVING RECONCILIATION
Reconciliation is increasingly recognized as a necessary part of national reconstruction and
building sustainable peace in countries recovering from intense internal conflict or repression.
Reconciliation is a broad, challenging concept. Different interpretations of reconciliation as
comprised of clarifying the truth, forgetting the past, acknowledgment of the victims, pardons
and amnesties, trust, justice, and forgiveness are all debated in the political science field. As a
mechanism for reconciliation, truth commissions also constitute an emerging phenomenon.
They are increasingly utilized in conflict-torn countries seeking reconciliation. Over twenty
truth commissions have been established around the world since 1973. Sierra Leone, Panama,
and Serbia & Montenegro are some of the recent additions to this growing community of states
climbing on the “truth for reconciliation” bandwagon.
Like reconciliation, “establishing the truth” can be an elusive goal. It is questionable if
positing one national historical “truth” is fair or feasible. By some interpretations, truth and
reconciliation are critiqued as contradictory rather than complementary goals. Yet, truth
commissions and reconciliation are recognized increasingly internationally as being linked
together. In what ways do the ideal of truth and the method of truth commissions promise to
promote reconciliation? Does the work of these truth commissions really facilitate reconciliation
in torn and divided post-conflict societies?
This paper seeks to explore truth commissions’ relationships to reconciliation both in theory
and in two of the more recent cases of civil conflict in Central America. The internationally-
praised “model” commissions of El Salvador and Guatemala provide lessons of how to structure truth commissions in order to give reconciliation the most hope. These are lessons that are
relevant to recently mandated truth commissions above and to the many that will follow. The
paper will first lay out the complex concept of reconciliation and its principle components. Next,
it will identify the ways in which these reconciliation ideals are reflected in and pursued by post-
conflict truth commissions. It then will analyze this connection, recognizing the positive
potentials and realistic limitations that truth commission work has to promote reconciliation.
From there the paper will turn to a comparative analysis of the set-up, experience, and
consequences of the Salvadoran and Guatemalan truth commissions in light of the ideal process
and ultimate objective of reconciliation.

Posted by admin on October 5th, 2008 No Comments